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Sponsored by Rep. Richard Hudson (R-NC) · 3 active : 3 Republicans
Latest action: Received in the Senate and Read twice and referred to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation.
Improving Interagency Coordination for Pipeline Reviews Act
This bill expedites the environmental review of certain natural gas pipeline projects or liquefied natural gas (LNG) import or export terminals for authorizations under the Natural Gas Act.
Specifically, the bill makes the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) the only lead agency for the purpose of coordinating the environmental review of such projects under the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA). Thus, agencies involved in the environmental review process must defer to FERC's approved scope for a NEPA review.
FERC must invite certain federal, state, local, or tribal governmental agencies to participate in the review process for an authorization and designate the applicable governments as participating agencies by deadlines established by the bill. In addition, FERC must consult with the Transportation Security Administration regarding various pipeline security measures.
The bill prohibits FERC from establishing a deadline for authorizing a project that is more than 90 days after the completion of the NEPA review. It also requires concurrent reviews when multiple federal or state agencies are involved.
Applicants for projects do not have to obtain a water quality certification from states under Section 401 of the Clean Water Act. FERC must coordinate its NEPA review with states where a potential discharge into navigable waters may occur.
If a federal or state agency requires an applicant for a pipeline authorization to submit data, the agency must consider any such data gathered by aerial or other remote means that is submitted.
Each member’s recorded vote compared with their swing projection from before the vote. A member by voting against most of their own party.
| BandBand before the vote | VotedVoted yea or nay | BrokeBroke with party | Share |
|---|---|---|---|
| Swing | 37 | 8 | 22% |
| Middle | 277 | 1 | 0% |
| Entrenched | 77 | 0 | 0% |
| Insufficient data |
Members fall into . 3 representatives don’t have enough data yet and are marked “insufficient data”. Non-voting delegates are not counted. The bill is not before the House right now; these scores show where members would stand.
Bars show each input from 0 to 100: ideology gap, scorecard gap, , and the . is the seat’s partisan lean, and shows how much of the input data a score has. Where the House has voted, each member’s appears with the projection made before it.
Loading similar votes
| 1 |
| 0 |
| 0% |
| All voting members | 392 | 9 | 2% |
|---|
: Pair any member who broke with one who stayed with their party: in 98% of those pairs, the one who broke had the higher swing score before the vote. Chance would be 50%.
Projections from swing-v3, computed with data from before the vote. Present and not voting never count as breaking.



These members have less than half of the model’s inputs, so their scores are not banded or ranked.



Ringed dots broke with their party on the vote.
Ideology is each member’s score. The cluster low on the chart includes the bill’s 4 sponsor and cosponsors in the House: they have already committed, so they score as entrenched. 3 representatives without a DW-NOMINATE score or with insufficient data are not plotted.
Similar votes count toward swing-v3 in the House: total similarity weight 69.0 (needs 5.0).