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Sponsored by Rep. Andy Barr (R-KY) · 9 active : 7 Republicans, 2 Democrats
Latest action: Received in the Senate and Read twice and referred to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs.
Stop Chinese Fentanyl Act of 2025
This bill subjects certain Chinese entities and government officials to potential sanctions related to opioid trafficking and requires the President to conduct certain preliminary analyses before regulating economic transactions in the event of a national emergency related to international drug trafficking.
Specifically, for the purposes of the Fentanyl Sanctions Act, the bill changes the definition of foreign opioid trafficker to specify that the term includes (1) Chinese entities involved in the production or sale of synthetic opioids or related pharmaceutical ingredients that fail to take steps to detect or prevent opioid trafficking; and (2) certain senior Chinese government officials that aid and abet opioid trafficking, including through intentional inaction. Under current law, the President must impose certain sanctions on individuals and entities identified as foreign opioid traffickers.
Further, the bill extends through 2029 an existing requirement that the President report to Congress annually on identified foreign opioid traffickers and any sanctions imposed on them. (This requirement expired in December 2024.)
The bill also requires the President to take additional steps in issuing regulations under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) pursuant to a declared national emergency related to international drug trafficking. (IEEPA authorizes the President to regulate a variety of economic transactions following a declaration of national emergency.) Under the bill, the President must evaluate the costs and benefits of issuing economic regulations for the purpose of resolving the drug trafficking emergency and publish a discussion of such costs and benefits.
Each member’s recorded vote compared with their swing projection from before the vote. A member by voting against most of their own party.
| BandBand before the vote | VotedVoted yea or nay | BrokeBroke with party | Share |
|---|---|---|---|
| Swing | 60 | 0 | 0% |
| Middle | 194 | 3 | 2% |
| Entrenched | 144 | 1 | 1% |
Members fall into . 2 representatives don’t have enough data yet and are marked “insufficient data”. Non-voting delegates are not counted. The bill is not before the House right now; these scores show where members would stand.
: only movement toward the other party counts, so members who sit further from the center than their party no longer score as swing votes.
Bars show each input from 0 to 100: ideology gap, scorecard gap, , and the . is the seat’s partisan lean, and shows how much of the input data a score has.
Loading similar votes
| Insufficient data |
|---|
| 8 |
| 0 |
| 0% |
| All voting members | 406 | 4 | 1% |
|---|
: Pair any member who broke with one who stayed with their party: in 41% of those pairs, the one who broke had the higher swing score before the vote. Chance would be 50%.
Projections from swing-v3-dir, computed with data from before the vote. Present and not voting never count as breaking.





These members have less than half of the model’s inputs, so their scores are not banded or ranked.


Ringed dots broke with their party on the vote.
Ideology is each member’s score. The cluster low on the chart includes the bill’s 10 sponsor and cosponsors in the House: they have already committed, so they score as entrenched. 2 representatives without a DW-NOMINATE score or with insufficient data are not plotted.
Similar votes count toward swing-v3 in the House: total similarity weight 51.0 (needs 5.0).